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would adopt course followed in regard to Persian Treaty and would inform Chinese that they desired to renounce their rights from which it could be inferred that they possessed them. Clifford warned Bodenstein that if His Majesty's Union subjects acquired interests at some future date and then needed protection the Union Government might find difficulty in getting terms from the Chinese as liberal as those which could bo negotiated now. He pointed out that if Union Goverment intended as Bodenstein suggested to assert their claim to rights conferred by Treaties under consideration the whole argument was purely academio and need not be raised at this juncture. He observed also that if Bodenstein's contentions were carried to logical absurdity and Treaties concluded by His Majesty prior to 1926 on behalf of all his subjects were held to be no longer applicable to Dominions it could be argued that they no longer applied to Great Britain as culy one of a number of autonomous communities equal in status. The United Kingdom might be seriously affected by such excursions into International law however diverting toy might be in themselves.
Clifford's pinion is that although Bodenstein said that Prime Minis; was variously concerned in regard to position of Union it is improbable that Union Government will raise issue with his Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom. He thinks however that it is just possible that the Union Governmey may not wish to participate in Treaty.
I will legraph again if without raising the constitutional points directly I can ther anything from
the Primo Minister when I see him on
day.
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